The syntax of relativization in English and Arabic : a phase a phase approach

الملخص EN

n this study, I propose a novel approach based on base-generation analysis to tackle the phenomenon of relativization in both English and Arabic languages, employing the phase approach.

According to this novel approach, the antecedent determiner phrase1 and the relative pronoun are argued to be basegenerated in Spec-RelP and Rel0, respectively, while the complement is generally argued to base-generate in TP.

Hence, this study abstracts away from the old strategies of the matching and promotion analyses.

Actually, the relative pronoun is assumed to be base-generated as a head for the whole RC, intrinsically with interpretable valued [relative] and [specificity] Features.

The relative pronoun is also assumed to be Bermuda-Triangle-like, absorbing the [indefiniteness] and [nominal] Features of the embedded coindexed determiner phrase when the embedded coindexed determiner phrase is in or out of islands, but annihilating the determiner phrase's [overtness] Feature when the embedded coindexed determiner phrase is local and outside the borders of islands.

Like other nominal antecedents, I assume that the relative pronoun has the capability to pronominalize the embedded coindexed determiner phrase which merges initially as an indefinite determiner phrase, and this is mainly by the absorption of its [indefiniteness] Feature, transforming it to a definite one.

I also argue that Agree mainly by the Feature sharing mechanism has a major role to play for the valuation of the matching unvalued Features among the antecedent determiner phrase, the relative pronoun and the embedded coindexed determiner phrase, leading to the valuation of the relative pronoun's unvalued phi-Features and Case and the antecedent determiner phrase's and embedded coindexed determiner phrase's [relative] and [Specificity] Features.

Moreover, I hold the view that, in long distance relativization, Agree is not restricted by the Phase Impenetrability Condition so that it can be in effect even after the derivation and transfer of phases.

Furthermore, I assume that the formation of reduced relative clauses is due to the nullness of the finite [Tense] Feature.