Wh-indefinites in Jordanian Arabic

Abstract EN

Among the wh-elements used in Jordanian Arabic (JA), only the wh-element ʔayy 'which' can have a non-interrogative indefinite reading as well as an interrogative reading in its bare form.

In one of its uses as an indefinite, ʔayy functions as a negative polarity item (NPI) with an existential reading; the NPI use of ʔayy can only be grammatical when ʔayy occurs in the c-command domain of a nonveridical operator in the surface syntax.

In another use of ʔayy as an indefinite, ʔayy functions as a free choice item (FCI) with either a universal or an existential reading; the FCI use of ʔayy can only be grammatical when ʔayy occurs in the scope of a nonveridical operator provided that its context of appearance is nonepisodic.

The varying interpretation of ʔayy as an interrogative word, an existential quantifier, or a universal quantifier is argued to be an effect of ʔayy being an indefinite lacking inherent quantificational force; I propose that ʔayy introduces a syntactic variable that needs to be bound by an appropriate operator and is interpreted accordingly.

In contrast to ʔayy, other wh-elements in JA can have an indefinite reading when augmented by a modal marker, albeit a FCI reading.